19 Kasım 2015 Perşembe

An illegal state within a legal one: The KCK


The KCK is a structure recognizing Öcalan as the only leader. All
of the public statements made by the KCK Executive Council
are carried out in front of Öcalan posters.
The KCK (Koma Civakên Kurdistan – Union of Kurdistan Communes) is an organization established by the PKK. It set out its aims and the methods it would employ in the document known as the “KCK Contract.”
The document in question describes a state, with its own flag, judiciary and army. The 300-Kongra-Gel serves at the executive, issuing laws and regulations and the executive enforces these. Judicial organs become involved when a problem arises.  The KCK is this state organization’s constitution.  The units and members of the terror organization (PKK) have systematically assumed their places in this state system. An alternative legislature to the Turkish Parliament has been at work since 2003 and made functional with the KCK organization.
The three-part KCK judicial system does not recognize any action the Turkish Penal Code regards as a crime nor the official judicial system of Turkey. In other words, it rejects the Turkish State and its justice system. Instead, it tries people in its own courts under laws invented by itself.
The KCK carries out “bureaucratic appointments” such as “PKK” district governors and “PKK” directors of agriculture in the Southeast of Turkey, and particularly in Diyarbakır. Reports have appeared in the media of the so-called “appointed PKK” officials threatening official district officers of the Republic of Turkey, and questions to the government have been raised in Parliament.
The KCK’s army is known by the name of “security units” (YDG-H). These units perform tasks such as collecting taxes in the name of the PKK, forcing businesses to shut up shops as a form of protest, inflicting punishments and pressuring voters and polling stations. These units are used to ensure that fear of the PKK is maintained in the cities and to maintain the threat of violence against citizens. Even while the co-called Solution Process was still continuing, citizens in Diyarbakır were still being forced to pay taxes as “members of the KCK state.”
According to the indictment drawn up by the Prosecutor’s Office, Öcalan’s decision to establish a PKK substructure known as the KCK on May 17th, 2005, was inspired by the idea of a suprastate confederated model proposed by the communist/anarchist writer Murray Bookchin. The plan consisted of three stages; a free leadership, democratic autonomy and democratic confederalism. The first aim is thus the release of Öcalan. Looking at the veiled and immoral propositions that are becoming increasingly frequent on this subject in Turkey, work is obviously underway to realize this first step of the plan. The next step once this has been achieved is democratic autonomy, followed by the establishment of a four-part confederated state made up of parts of Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. As can be seen from the term “Establishing a Democratic Socialist Middle East Confederation” in Article 4 of the text, the objective consists not only of the Kurdish regions, but includes the whole of the Middle East. And that goes to show that the basic aim of the PKK is to create a communist order in all the Middle East, Turkey included.

Cemal Temizöz, Siyasallaşan PKK Terörü (The Politicization of PKK Terror), Togan Yayınları, Bakırköy, February 2012, p. 531
21. Yüzyıl Türkiye Enstitüsü (21st Century Turkey Institute), Special Report, PKK’nın kontrolündeki Diyarbakır (Diyarbakır under PKK control), September 2013, p. 4
Ibid., p. 4

"KCK Public Order"
The KCK is in fact a political employment tool personally invented by Öcalan so that members of the PKK released from prison as of the mid-2000s would be able to remain in the organization, engage in politics and not feel marginalized or forgotten. The basic job of the KCK is to enable control to be taken over urban areas by moving away from the mountains towards the cities to achieve control there and to bestow a supposedly legal guise on the PKK’s illegal activities. What the PKK, which is regarded as a terrorist organization by most of the world, really intends this way is to interfere the political processes under a ‘legal’ guise by way of the KCK.
Under the Contract, Abdullah Öcalan is described as the founder of the KCK, who also appoints the head of the Executive Council and approves all decisions taken by that council: In other words, the KCK receives its orders and instructions from Abdullah Öcalan and the PKK leadership. Öcalan has long wanted to capture the citadel from the inside by the use of political action. Indeed, interviews with Öcalan show that KCK is the sole model he insists on.
The KCK came into being by descending on urban areas under a legal guise in order to make the presence of the PKK felt there in a particularly powerful manner. Through this organization, the PKK seeks to establish control over political figures, municipalities and mayors in the region and is known to be powerful enough to do so and capable of determining members of Parliament and mayors.
The Strategic Thought Institute offers the following analysis:
The KCK is charged with maintaining control in the city and keeping legal politics in line with that of the PKK... So much so that when a mayor goes somewhere he will inevitably be accompanied by a member of the KCK. These are popularly known as  “commissars.” It is impossible for mayors to oppose their views.

Stratejik Düşünce Enstitüsü (Strategic Thought Institute - STI) Analysis, KCK Örgütlenme Modeli ve Amacı (The KCK Model and Aim), July 2011, p. 12
This organization is in fact an entity that is commonly seen in Stalinist systems. Stalin directly established various bodies, such as unions and the army and appointed figures known as  “commissars” to these. These commissars were essentially all communist militants. Their job was to ensure that these organizations remained under control, to achieve hegemony over the cities, to identify any opposition and to arrange the system as they saw fit. The PKK is now regarded as having established political influence over the HDP by using this tactic. Indeed, the term “commissar” is described in Stalinist sources as the protecting the strong and imperishable domestic loyalty to Stalin by those structures that are wished to be kept under control.
In short, the KCK is an organization that seeks to bring about an entirely communist order to the region, beginning with the cities, predominantly through the use of legal political figures by oppression but that also employs illegal members behind the scenes in order to achieve the aims of an illegal entity. The KCK Contract clearly reveals that the organization is one that accepts members, that has its own executive and judicial bodies, that tries people, that  stipulates the existence of its own armed groups and local and central authorities, that collects taxes and that seeks to establish authority over local administrations. In other words, it is a so-called state.
The journalist and author Sedat Laçiner’s provides a particularly important analysis:
The KCK was intended to direct acts of civil disobedience in the city, to involve the populace in activities, with cars being burned and the people fighting the police, as in France, and thus aligning the state against the local population. On that basis, the KCK was to act as a second state parallel to the Republic of Turkey and would strive to build up subjects of that state. The plan was to create a parallel authority in which KCK courts would take the place of state courts and KCK officers would take the places of the governors appointed by the state.
Violence still occupies pride of place in the KCK’s ways of working. What makes a movement a terror organization is the extent to which it resorts to violence or not. The key word is violence… If people think you are a terrorist movement and take part in various actions or close their shops ups because they are afraid of you, then this is an act of terror. If a KCK official in Diyarbakır holds a court, and people go that whether they want to or not, and if they receive a punishment at the end of the process, then this is an unlawful act of terror. A bomb going off is not all that makes a terrorist action.
This organization described as a political body is, in fact, one under the total control of the PKK, and even pressured by the PKK, as the journalist and author Adem Yavuz Arslan describes:
It appears that the people did not elect those heads of municipalities; The KCK put the names forward and it happened. They have no initiative. They are even tried and punished for not taking part in actions. A cleaning worker questioned and sentenced Osman Baydemir.
At this point, the fact that some legally constituted parties in Parliament also follow the instructions of and even act in line with pressure from the PKK is clearer than ever before. HDP MP Pervin Buldan’s answer to the question, “Do Kandil, İmralı and the party act as a single body?” is particularly worthy of note:
It will be useful to make it clear that you cannot distinguish the Kurdish Freedom Movement (referring to the PKK) from bodies engaging in politics in Turkey. Consequently, there are the relatives and children of people in the political mechanism involved in the freedom movement.
Adem Yavuz Arslan says this on the same subject:
Those sections concerning BDP (HDP) politicians are thought-provoking. Because the BDP members are literally the captives of the KCK… They have no initiative of their own. ... They determine everything, from how they should speak to what they do and where.
The analysis provided by the journalist and author Ahmet Altan are especially significant:
Read the KCK Contract.
It is the constitution of a dictatorship.
I was horrified by the articles I read.
It starts off with libertarian statements, but then refers to the  “leadership” as the "only decision-making body."
I do not know what a Kurd who disagreed with the “leadership” is supposed to do. Such a possibility has clearly never even crossed the mind of the authors of this constitution.
From what I can tell, in their eyes no Kurd could ever think differently to the  “leadership” on any issue.
The KCK Executive Council can bring in the Popular Liberation Court Prosecutor’s Office and appoint judges.
The  “press committee” engages in  “activity aimed at improving ideological and national unity.” Do Kurds really want to live under such a system?
Is the only way to escape years of oppression by the Turks to live in a society run by a leadership, councils and committee and in which a conception of national unity” is officialized?
If our BDP friends think that this KCK  “constitution” is really very modern and beneficial, would they propose the same items for the new Turkish Constitution?
Should Turkey also have a  “leadership,” an  “executive council” and  “committees?” Should the council be given the right to appoint prosecutors and judges?
If they do not desire such things for the Turkish Constitution, then why do they wish them for the Kurds?
Why is a constitution that the Turks would never accept and that nobody now could even think of proposing to them, be imposed on the Kurds by Kurds?
This constitution of the organization in question is being imposed on the Kurds by the PKK. The fact that the constitution of a communist dictatorship is being imposed on our beloved Kurds, who are part and parcel of us, shows the kind of plan in operation for the Southeast of Turkey first, and then the Middle East. In order to better grasp this, let us have a closer look at the KCK’s objectives.

Carl J. Friedrich and Zbigniew K. Brzezinski’s‘ Totalitarian Dictatorship and Autocracy - Stratejik Düşünce Enstitüsü (Strategic Thought Institute - STI) Analysis, KCK Örgütlenme Modeli ve Amacı (The KCK Model and Aim), July 2011, p. 12
Stratejik Düşünce Enstitüsü (Strategic Thought Institute - STI) Analysis, KCK Örgütlenme Modeli ve Amacı (The KCK Model and Aim), July 2011, p. 15
Stratejik Düşünce Enstitüsü (Strategic Thought Institute - STI) Analysis, KCK Örgütlenme Modeli ve Amacı (The KCK Model and Aim), July 2011, p. 29
Tuğçe Tatari, Anneanne Ben Aslında Diyarbakır'da değildim (Grandmother, I was Not in Diyarbakır), Doğan Kitap, 2015, p. 179
Stratejik Düşünce Enstitüsü (Strategic Thought Institute - STI) Analysis, KCK Örgütlenme Modeli ve Amacı (The KCK Model and Aim), July 2011, p. 29
Gerek yok ki… (There is no need…), Ahmet Altan, Daily Taraf, 22nd October 2011, http://www.taraf.com.tr/yazilar/ahmet-altan/gerek-yok-ki/18259/

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