19 Kasım 2015 Perşembe

3. Concepts of democracy and the institution of the state under the mask of imperialism

Following attacks on Eruh and Şemdinli on August 15th, 1984, the PKK, whose declared aim was the establishment of an “Independent United Socialist Kurdistan”, officially announced its intention to remove the Turkish Army from the whole of the Southeastern Turkey. It maintained that aim until the early 1990s, and Öcalan announced that they would have an army numbering 50,000.
One of the principle aims in the PKK’s founding manifesto is the creation of a classless society, and it contains a call to arms to build a communist Kurdistan. As stated previously, the section of the PKK program titled “The Duties of the Kurdistan Revolution”, contains an article verbalizing the rejection of all proposals for a solution (such as regional autonomy) that might be suggested by the Republic of Turkey, described as a colonialist state. The aim behind that rejection is the idea which states that Turkey, regarded as a colonialist state, should definitely be broken up.

Ümit Özdağ, PKK ile Pazarlık (Negotiating with the PKK), Kripto Yayıncılık, 2013, p. 15
Elif Çalışkan Polat, PKK Terör Örgütüne Dış Destek (Foreign Support for the PKK Terror Organization), Çatı Kitapları, 2013, p. 34

Öcalan's fundamental objective is to establish a 50,000-member army and seize the Southeast of Turkey through a Maoist
guerrilla war. The imperialist mask is a deception. There is in fact no change in that objective.
As the purpose behind its foundations demands, the PKK has therefore never sought a democratic solution. The communist ideology is based not on obtaining land or rights through negotiation under a democratic framework, but on achieving them directly through armed struggle. In such a way of thinking, in which the structure of the state is rejected and everything belonging to the state is considered the enemy, anarchy is seen as the sole legitimate method, and even the killing of innocent people in the name of changing the existing order is seen as perfectly normal. Democracy is therefore a totally unacceptable concept to all communist terror organizations.
The PKK openly states in its Manifesto that it intends to destroy that Turkish state through a Maoist-inspired war. The organization knows no methods other than terror, and has explicitly declared war on democracy and the state, as required under communism. However, it has gradually begun adopting a different language, as a result of its imperialist mask. The idea of demolishing the Republic of Turkey with an army of 50,000 has gradually been amended through a series of maneuvers and there is now talk of the absolute existence of the Republic of Turkey.
The main reasons for this are as follows:
  • Despite adopting the tactic of a cowardly guerrilla war, the PKK has consistently suffered major losses at the hands of the Turkish military, and thus finds it difficult to recruit supporters.
  • Öcalan’s words stating that “I’m at the disposal of the state” immediately after his arrest is in fact a clear expression of that forced change. Öcalan spoke directly to the state and issued statements to the effect that there would be negotiations with the state, and he reiterated these during his trial. It is obvious that Öcalan’s capture and the events that took place subsequently are part of a comprehensive and secret plan on the part of the Western deep state apparatus in the name of its aim of establishing a Great Kurdistan. As a part of this plan that was set out beforehand, Öcalan changed his language as determined by the West and came to reluctantly recognize the existence of the Turkish state.
  • This imperialist policy, which began when the armed struggle failed to produce results, gradually turned into an endeavor to slyly take over the whole of the Southeastern Turkey. It started with the idea of first forcing the Turkish government to the negotiating table. In order to do that, it began concentrating on democratic talk instead of Marxist slogans that would only create an allergic reaction.
  • BDP/HDP leaders who reacted negatively to the very word “democracy” before suddenly became its greatest supporters. Indeed, what Sırrı Süreyya Önder said during a television show is particularly noteworthy – “The PKK is a very democratic organization. These words may astonish many viewers, but that is the truth”. To describe a terror organization that has been waging a cowardly guerrilla war for the last 40 years and has ridden roughshod over the principles of democracy by slaughtering people, making no allowances for women and children, as democratic, clearly reveals the kind of stratagem being played out.
  • The PKK is certainly well aware that talk of democracy will attract powerful support from the U.S. and the EU in particular. And that is just what is happening. Certain naïve Westerners who describe the PKK terror in Turkey as “a Kurdish movement undergoing a crisis of identity” are immediately taken in by this talk of democracy and entirely forget the reality of the terror in Turkey instantly under the influence of that spell. The PKK is making masterly use of this sensitivity of the Western world.
http://www.milliyet.com.tr/onder-pkk-cok-demokratik-bir-yapi/siyaset/detay/2022602/default.htm
The organization that has begun repeating the word democracy so often also changed its name to Kongra-Gel as of November 2003 for all these reasons and described its subsequent objective as one of “building a democratic, ecological society in which democracy directly prevails, without seeking to found a separate state, for the resolution of the Kurdish problem”. As a manifestation of that, the objective has moved from an independent Kurdistan to cantons, and from cantons to talk of democratic autonomy and now a Kurdistan within the territory of the Republic of Turkey is being discussed.
The fact is, however, that the aim here has never been democracy or democratic autonomy within a democratic country: The objective is to use democracy to get the inside track. It is to use local administrations to seize control of the Southeast, which they have been unable to break away by armed force, while at the same time espousing the integrity of the Republic of Turkey and also enjoying revenues from the Republic of Turkey and benefitting from its army, educational system and resources and thus grow stronger and be able to act on its own. In order to bring that about, it of course suits their interests to be under the protection of an existing and powerful state. They plan to use the Turkish army to establish local control for themselves. In doing all this, they will have no objection to the Turkish flag flying in a corner for a short period of time.
Since doing all this while talking of Kurdistan alone would stick out enormously, they have developed a new tactic and now plan to divide Turkey into 25 or 26 autonomous regions; this is the plan that the PKK and the political parties enjoying the support of Öcalan and the PKK, such as the HDP, have been making frequent reference to of late. The plan envisages every region becoming autonomous, and this will divert attention from the emergence of an autonomous Kurdistan.

Elif Çalışkan Polat, PKK Terör Örgütüne Dış Destek (Foreign Support for the PKK Terror Organization), Çatı Kitapları, 2013, p. 35

This country belongs to us all, and we will never allow it to be broken up. The course that best becomes us is to live as brothers.
Above: A glorious view from Batman.
This entire plan can be clearly seen in a speech given by Osman Baydemir, former mayor of Diyarbakır, in 2010:
What form will a democratic, prosperous Turkey take? There will be an autonomous Eastern Back Sea region, and autonomous Central Black Sea region, and also an autonomous Kurdistan... The Turkish Parliament exists and will continue to exist within this project of democratic autonomy. There is no objection to thatThe Turkish flag will continue to fly in Turkey, and we have no objection to that, either. However, there will be an autonomous parliament in each region. One of these regional parliaments will be the Kurdistan Regional Parliament. In addition to the Turkish flag, for which my forebears and all our forebears sacrificed their blood and which is now flying, the local colors and flag will also be flying in the sky. Where is the harm in our yellow, red and green flag flying alongside the Turkish flag outside our municipal building? (Milliyet, 01.08.2010)

Ümit Özdağ, PKK ile Pazarlık (Negotiating with the PKK), Kripto Yayıncılık, 2013, p. 178

Those treacherous forces that would bring the Turkish flag down anywhere in the country will always encounter the
resistance of the Turkish nation. This country is not destined to be broken up.
Above: A view from Diyarbakır
We also need to point out the means of persuasion employed in these statements. Baydemir, in his own mind, “permits” the continued existence of the Turkish Parliament and Turkish flag, and thus supposedly reveals his good intentions. This form of reckless language has recently been adopted by almost all senior HDP figures, who say “there is no harm in the Turkish flag -which actually is an expression of the indivisibility of our motherland- flying in a corner somewhere”.
It also needs to be made clear that some BDP-HDP representatives, including Osman Baydemir, may indeed be speaking in this way with no ulterior motives, or else under pressure. Yet when it comes to the aims of the PKK, the idea underlying all the talk of democratic autonomy, and cantons is the planned Kurdish state in the Southeast. The aim is also to use the wealth, means and troops of the Turkish state to make that plan a reality. Indeed, the fact that the PKK was until quite recently in “negotiations” with the Turkish state was intended to obtain by cunning stratagem what it has failed to obtain through its guerrilla campaign. This will be examined in more detail in due course.

Gaffar Tetik, Bütün Yönleriyle Komünizme Karşı İslam, s. 254Komünistler Nasıl Yalan Söyler, Dr. Fred C. Schwarz, s. 215-216Necati Alkan, PKK’da semboller, aktörler ve kadınlar, 2012, Karakutu Yayınları, s. 21-22A.g.e. s. 77-78Abdullah Öcalan, "Nasıl Yaşamalı", sf. 91A.g.e. s. 71-72A.g.e. s. 71-72Global Masculinities and Manhood, What makes a man within his own culture, University of Illinois Press, 2013, s. 95A.g.e. s. 104A.g.e. s. 256A.g.e. s. 256A.g.e. s. 258A.g.e. s. 91A.g.e. s. 100-101A.g.e. s. 103Özgür Yaşamla Diyaloglar, Ekim 2002, s. 257Sümer Rahip Devletinden Demokratik Uygarlığa, Cilt 1, Aralık 2001, s. 204Sümer Rahip Devletinden Demokratik Uygarlığa, Cilt 1, Aralık 2001, s. 313Sümer Rahip Devletinden Demokratik Uygarlığa, Cilt 1, Aralık 2001, s. 354A.g.e. s. 105-106http://www.haber365.com/Haber/Ocalan_Islam_Kurtler_Icin_Truva_Ati/A.g.e. s. 115A.g.e. s. 111A.g.e. s. 125-126http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/worldviews/wp/2014/10/27/turkey-still-thinks-this-guy-holding-a-baby-bear-is-a-terrorist-is-heBurhan Semiz, PKK ve KCK’nın Din Stratejisi, s. 101A.g.e. s. 95-96A.g.e. s. 125-126A.g.e. s. 132A.g.e. s. 188-189A.g.e. s. 189-190A.g.e. s. 135A.g.e. s. 112A.g.e. s. 135Burhan Semiz, PKK ve KCK’nın Din Stratejisi, Karakutu yayınları, 2013, s. 135MEB, Sosyoloji ders kitabı, s. 96MEB, Felsefe ders kitabı, s. 171Ümit Özdağ, PKK ile Pazarlık, Kripto Yayıncılık, 2013, s. 15Elif Çalışkan Polat, PKK Terör Örgütüne Dış Destek, Çatı Kitapları, 2013, s. 34http://www.milliyet.com.tr/onder-pkk-cok-demokratik-bir-yapi/siyaset/detay/2022602/default.htmElif Çalışkan Polat, PKK Terör Örgütüne Dış Destek, Çatı Kitapları, 2013, s. 35Ümit Özdağ, PKK ile Pazarlık, Kripto Yayıncılık, 2013, s. 178

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